
Drylands
conventionally are defined in terms
of water stress: as terrestrial areas
where the mean annual rainfall (including
snow, fog, hail, etc) is lower than
the total amount of water evaporated
to the atmosphere. This definition
usually excludes the Polar Regions
and high mountain areas, which on
account of their low average rainfall
can also be classified as drylands.
Drylands can be found on every continent
and cover extensive areas of land
– they stretch over 41% of Earth’s
land surface.
One over-riding feature of drylands
is their low, but highly variable,
precipitation and it is this variability,
as much as the low quantity, which
gives drylands their special features.
Dryland ecosystems are constantly
in flux, making it difficult, if not
impossible, to define an “average”
condition for rangelands. Drylands
are particularly sensitive to land
degradation, with 10-20% of drylands
already degraded (Millenium Ecosystem
Assessment, 2005).
At various times in the past, policy
makers have tried to lay the blame
for this degradation with the local
communities that use drylands resources:
namely the pastoralists. Negative
perceptions of pastoralism are strongly
influenced by images of overgrazing
and soil erosion around water sources,
or by livestock death and food insecurity
during some droughts. This extensive
production strategy seldom fits with
a government’s concept of the
nation-state or its vision of development
and pastoralism is usually portrayed
as a national problem and an archaic
form of land use.
However, pastoralism is an adaptation
to an unpredictable environment and
pastoralists have learnt to harness
the erratic changes in rangeland condition
through a mobile livestock production
system. Pastoralists accept the variability
of productive inputs (such as pasture
and rainfall) as a given and adapt
their social and herding systems accordingly.
Mobility is a highly efficient way
of managing the sparse vegetation
and relatively low fertility of dryland
soils. In fact, dryland ecosystems
may be more ecologically resilient
than has previously been accepted,
as long as some degree of livestock
mobility or general resource-use rotation
is retained in their management.
“Overgrazing” is usually
a convenient and more palatable scapegoat
for many other causes of land degradation
and although land degradation may
be evident around permanent settlements
and water points, where livestock
mobility is reduced, it is much less
in open rangelands where mobility
is unrestricted. Where mobility continues
unhampered, it has resulted in biodiversity
conservation and sustainable land
management. Where it is constrained
it has led to serious over-grazing
and land degradation.
Nevertheless, policies of sedenterisation
have been widely pursued in the past,
with dire environmental consequences.
Such policies were based on a profound
misunderstanding of the logic behind
pastoral production, favouring production
systems imported from developed countries
and supported inappropriately by the
theory of the ‘tragedy of the
commons’. Movement was restricted
by providing stationary settlements,
replete with services and resources,
especially water, ignoring the wider
ecological necessity behind mobility
in this ecological setting.
Not surprisingly, the imposition
of sedentary life failed miserably
and was resisted by herders who needed
grass and water for their animals
and had to move to find it. Services
were not delivered or maintained and
pastoralists were accused of being
anti-development. Eventually, the
big pastoral livestock projects of
the 1970s and early 1980s were halted
as donors abandoned the sector, but
not before large swathes of drylands
were degraded as a result of the experiment.
Simultaneously, the small but resource-rich
buffer zones that enable pastoralism
were expropriated and converted into
irrigation schemes for settled agriculture,
or fenced off for wildlife and forest
reserves. This combination of bad
policy and resource loss has profoundly
compromised pastoralism and dryland
environments.
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